The previous text contains only four articles; It is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it contains the latter agreement in its timetables. [7] Technically, this proposed agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement, unlike the Belfast Agreement itself. [7] These institutional provisions established in these three areas of action are defined in the agreement as “interdependent and interdependent”. In particular, it is found that the functioning of the Northern Ireland Assembly and the North-South Council of Ministers is “so closely linked that the success of individual countries depends on that of the other” and that participation in the North-South Council of Ministers “is one of the essential tasks assigned to the relevant bodies in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland]. 5 For all those who attempt to describe the Irish border as it is today, the exercise is very similar to the description of each European internal border. The Irish border sees and operates like any normal intra-European border through which goods, services, capital and population movements pass.2 Unlike other European borders, the current situation on the island of Ireland is not the only result of London and Dublin`s accession to the EEC/EU since 1973. It is first of all the result of a political compromise between the two Irish communities and between the two sovereign states anchored in the PMB. Until the 1998 peace settlement and even though the two sovereign states were members of the EEC/EU, the Irish border had remained very within other European borders. It became heavily policeted and militarized. The number of roads crossing the border has been limited and has hindered the cross-border movement of people, as well as cross-border exchanges of goods, services and capital.3 The conference takes place in the form of regular and frequent meetings between British and Irish ministers to promote cooperation between the two governments at all levels. On issues not left to Northern Ireland, the Irish government can present views and proposals. All decisions of the Conference are taken by mutual agreement between the two governments and the two governments, in order to make resolute efforts to resolve the differences between them.

The vague wording of some so-called “constructive ambiguities”[8] helped ensure the adoption of the agreement and delayed debate on some of the most controversial issues. These include extra-military dismantling, police reform and the standardisation of Northern Ireland. www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2019/04/moderates-northern-ireland-good-friday-agreement/587764/. In the deal with May, the DUP pledged to support May`s positions on important policy decisions. In return, May`s party renewed its commitment to keeping the Union between Northern Ireland and Britain and provided more than $1 billion in funding. “The protocol clearly establishes the principle that NI is part of the UK`s customs territory, so that goods can move from Britain to the NI without tariffs. The British authorities have provisions to impose EU tariffs on goods “threatened” to cross the open border into the EU. The problem is that the circumstances under which goods should be considered “endangered” are not defined in the protocol and that a joint agreement with the EU on the rules that would define it is necessary. In 2004, negotiations were held between the two governments, the DUP, and Sinn Féin, for an agreement to restore the institutions. The talks failed, but a document published by governments detailing the changes to the Belfast agreement was known as the “comprehensive agreement.” However, on 26 September 2005, it was announced that the Provisional Republican Army of Ireland had completely closed its arsenal of weapons and had “taken it out of service”.

Nevertheless, many trade unionists, especially the DUP, remained skeptical.